Now that LGBTQ Pride Month is at an end, Baltimore residents must analyze our observance of Pride Month. It’s a time set aside to honor the resilience, culture, and political victories of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer Americans. For many, it’s seen as a celebration of progress and inclusion. But for Black in Baltimore and America, this month raises urgent questions that too few of us are asking — and even fewer are willing to answer honestly.
Over the past three decades, church attendance has been on a steady decline. According to recent statistics, the Methodist Church, Lutheran, and Protestant Church attendance has dropped by 30%.
In today’s multifaceted security landscape, the presence of well-trained and equipped SROs is paramount to ensuring the welfare of students, staff, and faculty. By mandating SROs to carry firearms, we empower them to respond effectively to potential threats, thereby adding a robust layer of protection to our schools.
Sen. Ben Cardin acknowledged Capitol Police investigations after media reports implicated his ex-aide, Aidan Marse-Czeropski in the creation of a sex tape within a Capitol Hill hearing room. Despite Cardin asserting that the implicated staff member is no longer a Senate employee, the gravity of the offense demands scrutiny.
For decades, many poor Black Baltimoreans saw political arguments on sexuality as more a luxury than a real necessity. Throughout the late 1970s and 1980s, organizations led mostly by white gay males sought inclusion and LGBT-friendly health services, but did little to advocate for Black families struggling with rampant poverty, the crack epidemic, and rising crime.
A 2020 study cites CDC data that show Black abortion rates being nearly four times—yes four times–higher than white rates. The study notes that “Between 2007-2016, the Black rate declined 29% and the white rate declined 33%—meaning that the racial disparity actually increased rather than decreased.”
The graphic shooting of Philando Castile in 2016 shocked many of us and reminded us of the interplay between race, racism, and law. Castile was a Black man in Minnesota who had a permit for his firearm, when he was shot and killed by a police officer during a traffic...
The names on The Baltimore Sun homicide webpage are listed chronologically but have no features that stand out. Beside each name is an age, a gender, an address, and a race. Most of the names are those of young men in their 20s, Black, and dying somewhere in Baltimore’s Black butterfly.
The new talk of the town is governor-elect Wes Moore’s baby bonds program. Throughout his campaign, Moore pitched the baby bonds program as a way to ensure that infants born in poverty arrive at adulthood in a more equal economic situation as their wealthier peers. With this program, every child born in Medicaid—largely Black and Latino–could get $3,200.
For years, we, as Republicans, would joke that we needed to win above the margin of the alleged fraud. We contended and joked that in places like my own hometown of Baltimore City, fake ballots and dead voters were the name of the game.
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